The Dangerous & Misleading Problem With Our Elections by Oliver DeMille
Published: Fri, 12/16/11
"Empowering Ordinary Citizens to Make an Extraordinary Difference"
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The Dangerous & Misleading Problem With Our Elections
OUR POPULAR CULTURE is given to extremes--everything from
extreme sports to extreme makeovers.
If this trend were limited to our
entertainment, it might be just fine.
Unfortunately, it is found even in our elections, where the
stakes couldn't be higher.
The American founding generation was known for how strongly its
members took sides and promoted their views, but also for its openness in
listening to other views, learning from contrary perspectives, and changing its
mind when the ideas of opponents made sense.
In our time, this wisdom is practically nonexistent.
We may not admit it, but we seem to want extreme politics.
We
want our candidate to blast the flaws, weaknesses, and misguided views of the
opponent.
The more extreme and angry the language, the more we support
a candidate. We want a fight, and we want our candidate to bloody the opponent.
Voters claim to want respectful and civil discourse, but the
majority votes for the outspoken, loud, and aggressive.
The Effectiveness of Attack Politics
When President Obama is moderate, measured, and judicious,
conservatives say he lacks leadership, while liberals call him ineffective,
uncommitted, and disappointing.
When he pushes back, takes strong positions, and goes on the
attack, conservatives call him a terrible leader and a dangerous opponent, while
progressives flock to support his "revitalized" presidency.
The majority responds to aggression, not to wisdom or
civility.
Likewise, the liberal media once routinely praised Senator
John McCain for his "fair, balanced, and moderate" approach to the issues--until
he became the Republican candidate for president and the media turned on him as
an "extreme conservative."
At the same time, conservatives supported his Senatorial
leadership but then angrily labeled him "a liberal in conservative clothing"
during his presidential bid.
Mitt Romney failed to capture widespread conservative support
mainly because he seemed to lack passion, anger, and edginess. The charge of flip-flopping is really a frustration with
Romney's modulated tone.
Both Obama and Gingrich have a long record of switched sides
on numerous issues--more, in fact, than Romney.
But they know how to go on the attack, and this quickly
dissipates any sense of them being wishy-washy.
Even when Romney goes on the attack, his words sound like
they are being dictated from a teleprompter--not shouted from his angry gut.
Aggressive and angry candidates generally have more success
than those who are mild and soft-spoken.
In the following chart, the more aggressive candidate from
each election era is marked in bold:
Note that in recent elections the more vocally aggressive
person has always been the winning candidate.
Looking ahead to the 2012 election, this trend provides
several interesting scenarios (some of which won't happen but are still
instructive):
The practical problem for candidates is this: To win their
party nomination they need to appeal to their base by strongly attacking the
other party's candidate, and then to win in the general election they must
appeal to independents by not being too extreme.
Thus candidates such as Mondale, Dukakis, Dole, or Kerry get
the nomination but not the support of independents.
An interesting twist on all this is the technique of
attacking someone other than the opposing candidate.
This allows candidates to tell independents they're taking
the high road and simultaneously show their base that they are sufficiently
angry on the attack.
Reagan, Clinton, Obama and others have used this by
positioning themselves as Washington outsiders with Washington as the enemy and
changing the culture in Washington as the great mandate.
Gingrich has recently put a new spin on this by shrewdly
turning his anger against the media--something that clearly resonates with his
conservative base and even many independents.
Obama has attempted to do the same thing by turning his anger
against Wall Street and the rich.
Mirroring domestic politics, voters connect more with
candidates who talk tough and take a hawkish stance toward potential national
enemies like China and Iran.
Those who argue for moderation toward nations such as China
or Pakistan--e.g. Gore, Kerry, Huntsman, Paul, or Santorum--tend to lose support
to those promising more belligerent positions.
Aggressive "Leadership"
Our societal conception of leadership idealizes
aggressiveness, killer instinct, and strength as much or even more than virtue,
wisdom, and integrity--from our high school football fields to our Ivy League
lacrosse teams and from our corporate boardrooms and reality television
programs to our prom queen elections and even the U.S. Capitol building.
The old Greek proverb that "God loves the good but blesses
the bold" is a good description of how our modern voters seem to think.
Is the Anger Warranted?
All of this obscures the problems of a nation literally on
the brink in far too many ways.
Unemployment remains painfully high, and even small
decreases in the unemployment rate are the result of more people giving up
their search for work rather than more real jobs in the economy.
Consider these sobering realities:
Things are worse than the numbers reflect, and currently
they are not getting better.
No wonder many voters are deeply frustrated and genuinely
angry with numerous government policies that hurt the economy, and while they
don't really want violence, they don't feel understood or supported by moderate
words, restrained plans, or relaxed rhetoric.
They want angry words, their candidates to win, and those
they blame for all our problems to lose and lose painfully.
"Sound and Well-Informed Judgment"
Trumps Anger
Madison foresaw such challenges when he called elections "peaceful
revolutions"--not actually violent, but passionate and extreme like all true revolutions.
The founders knew that in elections passions run deep, and
they knew that lasting freedom depends on the wisdom of the people.
As he wrote in Federalist Paper 1:
"[W]e, upon many occasions, see wise and good men on the wrong side of questions of the first magnitude to society. This circumstance...furnish[es] a lesson of moderation to those who are ever so much persuaded of their being in the right in any controversy." And even those who are right, Madison continues, aren't
always motivated for the right reasons:
"Ambition, avarice, personal animosity, party opposition, and many other motives...are apt to operate as well upon those who support as those who oppose the right side of a question...[In every major national discussion] a torrent of angry and malignant passions will be let loose. To judge from the conduct of the opposing parties, we shall be led to conclude that that they will [promote the justness of their argument and] increase the number of their converts by the loudness of their declarations and the bitterness of their invectives."
The only lasting solution, Madison says, is for the citizens
to calmly and closely examine the details and apply their "sound and well-informed
judgment."
To help reduce the negative influences of too much emotion
in politics, the framers filtered the direct vote for presidents through the
Electoral College and the election of Senators through state legislatures.
Still, they knew that the key to successful democratic
society is effective elections by the people, and the key to effective
elections is a wise, informed and virtuous people.
The Critically-Needed Reversal in
Focus
So, we have a problem.
The two biggest facets of this
problem are:
In the founding era, it was the opposite. They saw families
and private entities as more important than government institutions and the
local and state as more important than the national level.
They also felt that
the future of our nation depended not on better candidates but on better
voters.
We may or may not need better candidates, but more
importantly we need to be much better spouses, parents, neighbors, leaders and
voluntary servants in our communities, churches, charities and families.
We do have an election problem, because we have a leadership
problem--on all levels.
The most effective way to overcome this challenge is to
become greater leaders in our homes and communities.
Excellent leaders are more likely to use wisdom in
elections, and less prone to being swayed by angry and aggressive rhetoric.
As long as we put our faith in aggressive candidates on the
attack, we are going to keep being disappointed with the results of each
election.
The 2012 election will be no different.
The Solution: Better Voters
This isn't to say that milder, less aggressive, or more
civil candidates have the answers--not at all.
The solution to our modern American election problem is simple:Better voters.
Voters are the hope of our future, specifically voters who
are more calmly and consistently involved in politics on a daily basis both
during and between elections, more locally focused, less emotional and wiser,
less swayed by the media and the experts, more principle-centered, and more
deeply studied in the principles and details of freedom.
If becoming a nation of such voters is too much to ask, then
the future of freedom will be short.
******************* Oliver DeMille is the founder and former president of George Wythe University, a co-founder of the Center for Social Leadership, and a co-creator of TJEd.He is the author of A Thomas Jefferson Education: Teaching a Generation of Leaders for the 21st Century, The Coming Aristocracy: Education & the Future of Freedom, and FreedomShift: 3 Choices to Reclaim America's Destiny.
Oliver is dedicated to promoting freedom through leadership education. He and his wife Rachel are raising their eight children in Cedar City, Utah.
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